
On April 20, 1999, 18‑year‑old Eric David Harris walked into Columbine High School in Littleton, Colorado, with his friend Dylan Klebold and helped launch the attack that turned “Columbine” into shorthand for modern school massacres. Armed with a carbine, a shotgun, and homemade explosives, Harris moved through the school’s hallways and library with chilling focus, killing and wounding classmates in an assault originally designed to be a massive bombing followed by gunfire. In the decades since, investigators and psychologists have come to see him as the more dominant architect of the plot – a young man whose blend of charm, calculated manipulation, and cold contempt for other human beings fits the classic profile of a budding psychopath more than a bullied misfit.
Eric Harris was born on April 9, 1981, in Wichita, Kansas, the younger of two sons of Wayne and Kathy Harris. Wayne was a U.S. Air Force transport pilot, and the family moved frequently in Eric’s early years – Kansas to Ohio to New York – before settling in Littleton, Colorado, when Wayne retired from the military and took a civilian aviation job in 1993. By outward appearances, the Harrises were a stable, middle‑class family: two parents at home, an older brother, a suburban house near good schools. Neighbors described Eric as polite, sometimes quiet, sometimes jokey; teachers thought he was bright and capable when he chose to apply himself.
Underneath, however, there were early signs of friction and rule‑bending. Eric resented the constant relocations and the need to repeatedly re‑establish himself socially. He chafed at his father’s military discipline and expectations, and by middle school he had developed a sarcastic, cynical edge, masking insecurity with cutting humor. Still, nothing in his elementary or early middle‑school records suggested an obvious trajectory toward mass murder; his darkness developed in adolescence, as he accumulated both ordinary adolescent grievances and a more toxic sense of superiority and rage.
By high school, a more alarming pattern had emerged. Harris cultivated a “Reb” persona – short for “Rebel” – and began presenting himself as a charismatic outsider disdainful of school authority, jocks, and what he saw as the “zombies” of mainstream culture. He built a website for Doom levels and game mods that also contained bomb‑making instructions and ranting journal‑style posts, and he maintained a hand‑written journal filled with fantasies of mass destruction, hatred toward specific groups, and grandiose plans for infamy.
He and Klebold engaged in escalating delinquency. In 1997–1998 they vandalized property and began experimenting with small explosives; in January 1998 they were arrested for breaking into a parked van and stealing equipment. The two were placed in a juvenile diversion program that required community service and counseling, which they successfully completed on paper. Counselors and program staff described Eric as cooperative and remorseful, praising his attitude and insight – yet his private writings from the same period drip with contempt for the program, the “stupid” counselors, and the idea that he had done anything wrong.
This dual reality – smooth, compliant exterior masking deep hostility – is a hallmark of psychopathic personalities. His journal entries and essays grew more extreme: he fantasized about killing people at random, ranted about “natural selection” and wiping out those he saw as inferior, and reveled in the idea of causing massive suffering. He learned to build increasingly powerful pipe bombs, tested them in fields, and kept careful logs of what worked and what didn’t. Teachers saw glimpses of this in violent creative writing assignments, but those red flags led only to mild disciplinary attention, not a comprehensive risk assessment.
Harris met Dylan Klebold in middle school, and by high school their friendship had become an intense, insular partnership. On the surface they shared typical outsider complaints – feeling looked down on by athletes, anger at cliques, sardonic humor about school. Underneath, they formed what investigators and scholars have described as a “toxic dyad”: Harris brought the ideological framework, technical skills, and manipulative confidence; Klebold brought depressive rage, suicidal thinking, and a willingness to follow a script that promised both revenge and self‑obliteration.
Diaries and “Basement Tapes” (the private videos they recorded in the months before the attack) show the dynamic clearly. Harris speaks with cold, controlled anger about wanting to exterminate humans and outdo previous killers, mocking those who will try to explain him later; Klebold vacillates between fury at specific people and sadness about his own perceived failures, repeatedly expressing a desire to die. Researchers such as Peter Langman and Ralph Larkin have argued that without Harris’s dominant, psychopathic influence, Klebold might have remained a suicidal, angry teen rather than a mass murderer, whereas Harris appears to have been actively seeking a co‑offender and an audience for his violent ambitions.
The Columbine attack was not a sudden snap; it was the culmination of at least a year of detailed planning, much of it driven by Harris. He and Klebold originally envisioned the massacre as a large‑scale bombing inspired by Timothy McVeigh’s Oklahoma City attack: they would place two large propane‑tank bombs in the school cafeteria timed to go off during a crowded lunch period, killing hundreds; as survivors fled the building, they would shoot them from outside, then detonate more bombs in cars to kill police and first responders.
Harris researched bomb construction extensively, using The Anarchist Cookbook [affiliate link] and other sources to design IEDs built from propane tanks, gasoline, and black powder. He kept notebooks tracking test explosions and failures, refining timers and wiring. He purchased weapons through a friend’s older acquaintance – several firearms, including a Hi‑Point 9mm carbine and a Savage 12‑gauge shotgun – for which he sawed off barrels and stocks to make them more concealable. He accumulated ammunition and magazines over months, often with Klebold’s help.
Their journals reveal specific dates, code names, and a sense of theatricality – they referred to the attack as “NBK” (for the film Natural Born Killers), and Harris wrote about wanting the event to kick off a revolution and to be remembered forever. On the morning of April 20, 1999, they put the plan into motion: placing two duffel bags with large propane bombs in the cafeteria, another bomb in one of their cars, and positioning themselves outside, armed and ready to ambush fleeing students.
The bombs in the cafeteria failed to detonate due to wiring and timing errors, turning what was meant to be a bombing into a shooting spree. At 11:19 a.m., Harris and Klebold began shooting outside the west entrance, targeting students near the school’s lawn and steps. Harris, carrying the Hi‑Point carbine and a sawed‑off shotgun, fired numerous rounds at fleeing students and at anyone he perceived as a target.
They moved into the building, trading gunfire with a school resource officer in the hallway, then headed toward the library, where the worst of the massacre occurred. Witnesses there described Harris as more verbally aggressive and contemptuous than Klebold. He barked orders, taunted victims, and made cruel remarks – asking one injured student if he believed in God, telling another to quit “bitching” as they cried out in pain, laughing at people hiding under tables. In the library alone, they killed 10 students and wounded many others in about seven minutes.
After leaving the library, Harris and Klebold roamed the school, firing into empty rooms, attempting to detonate more explosives (including a bomb in the cafeteria that caused only a small fire), and exchanging sporadic shots with responding officers outside. By about 12:00 p.m., they returned to the library, where Harris sat down next to a bookshelf; at approximately 12:08 p.m., he placed the shotgun in his mouth and killed himself with a single blast, seconds before Klebold shot himself in the head. In total, they killed 12 students and one teacher, and wounded more than 20 others before their suicides.
In the years after Columbine, extensive analysis of Harris’s journals, school records, diversion‑program files, and the “Basement Tapes” led many experts to converge on a similar view: that Eric Harris was a textbook example of adolescent psychopathy. Forensic psychologist D. J. O’Toole and others who reviewed his writings highlighted core traits – grandiosity, callousness, lack of empathy, manipulativeness, shallow affect, and instrumental aggression – that align closely with psychopathy checklists used in adult offenders.
Harris’s own words bear this out. He wrote about humans as “zombies” and “worthless,” fantasizing about exterminating entire groups and seeing himself as superior and entitled to decide who lived and died. He expressed little genuine remorse even when discussing his known offenses; instead, he boasted about fooling counselors and parents, describing how easy it was to say what adults wanted to hear. His anger was less about specific bullies and more about a global hatred for ordinary people – he wasn’t simply a victim striking back, but a young man who relished the idea of inflicting suffering on those he deemed beneath him.
At the same time, he exhibited depressive symptoms – frustration, self‑criticism, occasional references to feeling emptyn – but these are overshadowed by the pattern of calculated cruelty and thrill in domination. Scholars like Katherine Newman and Peter Langman have contrasted Harris’s profile with Klebold’s, labeling Harris a “malevolent antisocial” and Klebold an “angry depressive,” arguing that the combination of these two types produced a uniquely dangerous synergy.
Harris’s motivations appear to be a mix of ideology (twisted notions of “natural selection” and pseudo‑Nietzschean superiority), personal gratification (the thrill of power and destruction), and a desire for infamy. He wrote explicitly about wanting the attack to be bigger than Oklahoma City or other famous massacres, fantasizing about sequels and copycats who would admire him. In that sense, Columbine was, for him, both a murder‑suicide and a performance: one last, spectacular assertion of control in a world he despised.
Eric Harris’s path to Columbine is now a core case study in system failures to identify and manage high‑risk youth. Teachers saw violent writing and disturbing projects; the juvenile justice system saw theft, explosives, and deception; a sheriff’s deputy received a written complaint about death threats Harris had posted on his website, including detailed talk about building bombs and killing a specific classmate. Yet those pieces were never integrated into a coordinated threat assessment. The complaint about his website led to a draft search‑warrant affidavit that was never executed; the diversion program praised his progress and closed his case; the school and mental‑health systems did not share information in a way that would have revealed how deep his pathology ran.
After Columbine, Harris’s case helped shift how schools, law enforcement, and psychologists think about adolescent threat. It dispelled the simplistic “bullying alone causes school shooters” narrative and highlighted the need to distinguish between depressed, angry teens and those with more psychopathic, predatory traits who require a different level of intervention and containment. It also fueled the development of formal threat‑assessment teams, protocols for evaluating violent essays and websites, and greater emphasis on following up on tips about weapons, explosives, and explicit threats.
Harris stands as a prototype of a certain kind of modern school shooter: not a spontaneous explosion of pain, but a deliberate, calculated project of destruction driven by contempt, thrill‑seeking, and the desire to be remembered. His partnership with Dylan Klebold turned that project into reality, but the blueprint – the cold logic of NBK – was largely his.

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